---
product_id: 8654108
title: "Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance Paperback – July 1, 1987"
brand: "richard k. betts"
price: "AR$105652"
currency: ARS
in_stock: true
reviews_count: 1
url: https://www.desertcart.com.ar/products/8654108-nuclear-blackmail-and-nuclear-balance-paperback-july-1-1987
store_origin: AR
region: Argentina
---

# Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance Paperback – July 1, 1987

**Brand:** richard k. betts
**Price:** AR$105652
**Availability:** ✅ In Stock

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- **What is this?** Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance Paperback – July 1, 1987 by richard k. betts
- **How much does it cost?** AR$105652 with free shipping
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## Customer Reviews

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐ 4.0 out of 5 stars







  
  
    An eye-opening study of nuclear threats during the Cold War
  

*by K***. on Reviewed in the United States on March 5, 2000*

In the first three decades of the Cold War, both the United States and the Soviet Union threatened to use nuclear weapons against one another and against China.  The term used to describe these threats depends on the  frame of reference.  Regardless of which country made the threat, the  recipient called these threats "nuclear blackmail," while the aggressor  referred to the threat as "coercion" or "deterrence."  Betts uses  unclassified documents from the 1940's to the 1970's to analyze the  circumstances and results of nuclear threats made by the United States and  the Soviet Union.  He acknowledges that one primary weakness in his study  was, "that there is no reliable evidence about what leaders in Moscow or  Beijing were thinking during the crises," (p. 18) and as a result, "the  evidence does not permit precise conclusions about the coercive efficacy of  the nuclear signal," (p. 44).  Overall the book is well researched.  Betts extensively used the personal notes and tapes recordings of  presidents and their top advisors from meetings during each crisis in  addition to press releases, speeches, and policy statements from other  books and articles.  The sources the author used are well documented in  footnotes that frequently take up a third of the page.  For the benefit  of the reader not familiar with the theories of nuclear deterrence, Betts  starts off his book with a chapter that gives an introduction to the  theories and doctrines of nuclear deterrence.  He covers basic deterrence  versus extended deterrence.  In order to help categorize and explain each  president's approach to nuclear threats, Betts outlines two basic nuclear  strategies:  risk maximizing (Russian Roulette) and risk minimizing  (chess).  In each of the cases that Betts examines, he refers back to these  basic principles of deterrence and defines the president's actions in terms  of the risk maximizing or risk minimizing approach.  The cases examined in  the book are divided into two groups: low-risk and high-risk.  They also  happen to be arranged chronologically with one exception  (the  Soviet-Chinese border clashes of 1969).  Otherwise, all the cases  categorized as low-risk occurred prior to or during 1958, and all the cases  that were categorized as high-risk occurred after 1958.  In the low-risk  category, Betts discusses the Berlin Blockade of 1948, the Korean War from  1950 to 1953, the Asian Crises of 1954 through 1955, the Suez Crisis of  1956, the Lebanon and Taiwan Straits in 1958, and the Soviet-Chinese border  clashes of 1969.  What distinguishes these low-risk cases was that the  nuclear threats were not made directly to a nuclear opponent, they were  made over issues that were of secondary interest to the super power, and  the threats were made from a position of nuclear superiority.  In the  high-risk category, Betts covers the Berlin Deadline Crisis of 1958-59, the  Berlin Aide-Mémoire Crisis of 1961, the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the  Middle East War of 1973, and the Carter Doctrine of 1980.  These cases  differ significantly from the low-risk cases in that the nuclear threats  were made directly against nuclear powers, they involved the critical  security zones of the super powers, and they were not necessarily made from  a position of nuclear superiority.  The remainder of the book discusses the  theory behind American, Russian, and Chinese decision thought process,  their attitudes about nuclear war, and why they were willing to risk such a  war in each of the cases outlines in the low-risk and high-risk chapters.  The underlying theme of this book is that all American Presidents from  Truman to Carter at one point or another used nuclear coercion or blackmail  against either the Soviet Union or against China.  Each president had a  different approach to making such threats.  One very interesting trend to  note from Betts' study was that nuclear blackmail was predominantly used by  the Americans against the Soviets and the Chinese.  This may come as a  surprise to a younger American generation because of the education and  belief that the United States upholds higher moral standards than the rest  of the world.  It does make sense though.  Considering the American  position of nuclear superiority and conventional inferiority during the  first fifteen to twenty years of the Cold War, the nuclear card was the  only trump card the American's had to deal with threats from the Soviets  and the Chinese.  Eventually the Soviets achieved a position of nuclear  parity, so the frequency of American threats dropped substantially.  Once  parity had been achieved, there existed in any crisis an underlying threat  of mutually assured destruction. Another important trend to notice in this  book is the difference between statements of government officials at the  time of a crisis and their recollections years later.  Psychologists have  done many studies of the fallibility of human memory-especially in the  field of "eye-witness testimony."  They have proven that witnesses to an  event can be influenced within hours after the event and say they remember  something that never actually happened.  There are several good examples in  this book.  Key figures involved in a given crisis wrote or said their  opinion at the time in speeches, interviews, and articles, but when asked  about the crisis many years later they claim their opinion about the crisis  was entirely different than what is reflected in the records.  This is not  to say that interviews with participants of an event are useless.  They are  considered extremely valuable, primary sources for historical research.  However, it is important to understand the fallibility of human memory, and  if someone's testimony is different than what their own records or  statements claim at the time of the event-more value should be placed in  the records or statements made at the time of the event than in the  discrepant recollections made much later. Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear  Balance provides some very important historical perspectives on the threat  of using nuclear weapons.  After reading about how Eisenhower dealt with  the Chinese in the Taiwan Straits crises of the 1950's and reading about  Beijing's current saber-rattling over reunification with Taiwan, it will be  very interesting to see the reaction of President Clinton and his successor  to Chinese threats of nuclear war.

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*Last updated: 2026-05-18*